Tibet
China contends that Tibet did not maintain international relations independently of China and that no country recognized Tibet's independence. This is not true. Although Tibet chose not to develop extensive international relations, following an isolationist policy for much of its history, it did maintain bilateral relations with countries in the region by whom it was, indeed, recognized.
A study of Tibet's history reveals that, contrary to Chinese Communist claims, Tibet at no time became an integral part of China. It is not disputed that at different times Tibet exercised influence on or came under the influence of its neighbors. It would be hard to find any state in the world today that has not been subjected to foreign domination or influence for some part of its history. Tibet, however, was never colonized or annexed through the use of force.
Thus today, despite more than 40 years of occupation, Tibet is an independent country under illegal occupation. This fact has been recognized by many, including the US Congress and the Parliament of Australia in 1992. The Tibetan people are today one of the best examples of a people with rights to self-determination. Recent prestigious international law conferences have stressed the need for early realization of the Tibetan people's right to self-determination. The Dalai Lama has called on China to agree to the holding of an internationally supervised plebiscite so Tibetans can express their wishes in accordance with their rights, through democratic means. This China has, to date, rejected.
| The Invasion and Illegal Annexation of Tibet 1949-1951 |
The Chinese government claims the so-called "17-Point Agreement for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet," signed in 1951, after the defeat of the small Tibetan army, shows that Tibetans not only agreed to, but actually invited Chinese Communist troops to "liberate" Tibet. Facts show the Tibetan government was coerced into accepting the document drafted by China and imposed upon the Tibetan negotiators under threat of all-out military conquest. Treaties imposed by threat or the use of force upon a country are not valid under international law and cannot, therefore, serve to legitimize an otherwise illegal invasion of territory. China, in fact, believes all unequal treaties and agreements to be invalid. There can hardly be a better example of an unequal "agreement" than the 1951 Tibetan-Chinese "17-Point" treaty.
| National Uprising |
Resistance
to Chinese occupation started to take on organized forms as early as 1952,
reached massive proportions in 1959, and has continued primarily underground,
ever since. Despite the Dalai Lama's efforts to find a modus vivendi with the
Chinese government once it became evident effective international response to
Chinese aggression was not forthcoming, the cycle of resistance and violent
repression was not to be prevented. As refugees were pouring into Lhasa from
Eastern Tibet with accounts of Chinese atrocities there, and as the Chinese
presence throughout the country became increasingly oppressive, the Tibetan
people rose up against all odds, in desperation and hope, in March 1959. The
uprising was brutally put down by the PLA, which claimed to have killed over
87,000 Tibetans between March 1959 and October 1960 in Central Tibet alone. The
Dalai Lama fled the country under the protection of Tibetan guerilla forces only
hours before the compound where he had stayed was shelled by Chinese artillery,
killing thousands of Tibetan people who had gathered around the palace to
protect him. Neither the uprising, nor the Dalai Lama's escape was planned. All
the facts show the Dalai Lama did all he could to prevent an open confrontation
between Tibetans and the mighty Chinese army. The consequences of the
confrontation which occurred were devastating: Chinese troops massacred
thousands of people; tens of thousands were taken to concentration camps or
labor camps where most died; Tibetan cultural and religious institutions were
destroyed and the population was subjected to terror campaigns and massive
"re-education" efforts which many in China would experience only a few years
later during the Cultural Revolution.
| Traditional Society and Democratic Framework for Future Tibet |
China has always tried to justify its policy in Tibet by painting the darkest picture of traditional Tibetan society. Tibetan society before the Chinese invasion was by no means perfect. That was the reason why the Dalai Lama initiated far-reaching reforms soon after he assumed full temporal authority in the early fifties. Whatever the case, no country can invade, occupy, annex and colonize another country just because its social structure does not please it.
In terms of social mobility and wealth distribution, traditional Tibet compared favorably with most Asian countries. Every administrative post below the Dalai Lama was held by an equal number of monk and lay officials. Although lay officials hereditarily held posts, those of the monks were open to all. Monasteries offered equal opportunities for all to rise to any height through their own scholarship.
A popular Tibetan aphorism says "If mother's son has the knowledge, the throne of Gaden (the highest position in the hierarchy of the Gelugpa school of Tibetan Buddhism) has no ownership." All land belonged to the state which granted estates to monasteries and to individuals who rendered service to the state.
The present Dalai Lama attempted to introduce land reforms by proposing that all large estate holdings of monasteries and individuals be acquired by the state for distribution amongst peasants. He created a special reform committee which was authorized to hear and redress complaints by individuals against state authorities.
Famine and starvation were unheard of in independent Tibet. However, from 1950 onwards, the Chinese military and civilian personnel were fed on the state buffer stocks. They forced the Tibetan populace to sell their personal stock of grains at nominal prices.
Soon after his arrival in India, the Dalai Lama organized the Tibetan government-in-exile. A series of democratic changes were initiated. A popularly elected body of people's representatives, known as the Assembly of Tibetan People's Deputies, was constituted and a draft constitution for future Tibet promulgated. The constitution even contained a clause whereby the executive powers of the Dalai Lama could be curtailed by a majority of two-thirds of the total members of the National Assembly. In 1990, the Assembly of Tibetan People's Deputies was expanded and its authority strengthened. The Assembly now elects the council of ministers who were formerly appointed by the Dalai Lama. A Tibetan Supreme Justice Commission was also set up to act as judiciary.
In 1992, the Dalai Lama announced a guideline for Tibet's future. It provided the future government of Tibet would be elected by the people on the basis of adult franchise. The Dalai Lama said he himself would not "play any role in the future government of Tibet, let alone seek the Dalai Lama's traditional political position." The guideline stated: Future Tibet shall be a peace-loving nation, adhering to the principle of ahimsa (non-violence). It shall have a democratic system of government committed to preserving a clean, healthy and beautiful environment. Tibet shall be a completely demilitarized nation. The Tibetan struggle is, thus, not for the resurrection of the traditional system, as the Chinese government claims.
| Human Rights |
Although the Chinese government argues that Tibetans enjoy freedom and human rights, all evidence points to continuation of gross violations of human rights. Organizations such as Amnesty International, Asia Watch, Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization, International Commission of Jurists, Pax Christi, SOS Torture and France Libertes have documented and reported widespread and systematic abuses against individual Tibetans and against the Tibetan people, their culture and religion.
A number of governmental delegations to Tibet, such as those from Australia, Austria, and Switzerland, confirmed the seriousness of these charges. Human rights violations in Tibet are inextricably linked to China's colonial policy in Tibet, which cannot tolerate any form of opposition to Chinese absolute rule over this territory.
In 1991 the United Nations Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities adopted a resolution on the "situation in Tibet," calling attention to the violation of human rights and fundamental freedoms of the Tibetans "which threaten the distinct cultural, religious and national identity of the Tibetan people." The UN Secretary General prepared a note for the UN Commission on Human Rights (E.CN 4/37) containing numerous detailed reports of human rights violations in Tibet, and since then, these United Nations bodies have continued to hear and consider evidence of such rights abuses in Tibet, and international concern for the situation in Tibet is growing.
| Socio-Economic Conditions and Colonialism |
It is true that under Chinese rule, roads, airfields, power stations and bridges have been built in Tibet. In recent years the country has also been open to foreign investment for faster economic development. Yet, as most travelers to Tibet recognize, this limited development primarily benefits the Chinese colonialists, government and military rather than the Tibetan people. The Tibetan population is still among the poorest in the world, the literacy rate of Tibetans in Tibet (as opposed to those in exile) is shockingly low, unemployment among Tibetans (as opposed to Chinese settlers) in Tibet is growing fast, and in all walks of life Tibetans are subjected to discrimination. It is clear that if Tibetan people are left to run their own affairs as they have been for the past 41 years in exile, their economic, social and cultural situation will definitely improve significantly.
| Religion and National Identity |
Of all the bonds which defined Tibetans as a people and as a nation, religion was undoubtedly the strongest. Tibetan national identity became indistinguishable from its religion. Monasteries, temples and hermitages were found in every village and town throughout Tibet.
By 1959, there were a total of 6,259 monasteries and temples with about 592,558 resident monks and nuns. Soon after their invasion of Tibet, the Chinese authorities began to undermine the traditional social system and religion of Tibet. "Religion is the enemy of our materialist ideology and believing in religion is blind faith. Therefore, you should not only not have faith in religion, but should also condemn it," people were told. By the middle of the 1950s, monasteries, temples, and cultural centers were systematically looted and destroyed in eastern Tibet. The physical desecration and destruction was accompanied by public condemnation of religion including the humiliation and ridicule of religious persons.
Contrary to official Chinese assertions, much of Tibet's culture and religion was destroyed between 1955 and 1961, and not during the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) alone. By 1976 only eight monasteries and nunneries had escaped Chinese destruction.
Since 1979, some superficial religious freedom was allowed. This included selective renovation of places of worship and allowing people to indulge in rituals like prostrations, circumambulations, etc. But the propagation of the teachings of the Buddha is discouraged and strictly controlled. The essence of Buddhism lies in mental and spiritual development achieved through intensive study with qualified lamas, understanding and practice. But the Chinese authorities discourage this in their campaign to misrepresent Tibetan religion. Contrary to Chinese claims, most of the renovation work of the places of worship, including the "state-sponsored" ones, came through the initiative of the Tibetan public who contributed their labor and money. The assistance given by the Chinese government only forms a fraction of the total cost. The Chinese authorities, even now, do not let the functioning units of the monastic universities continue their traditional religious practices. Admission to monasteries are controlled, the number of monks is limited and political indoctrination is undertaken in the monasteries. The management of monasteries is placed in the hands of a maze of state bureaucracies. Though China no longer bombs or sends Red Guards to destroy Tibet's monasteries, its aim still remains the same as before: total elimination of Tibetan religion and culture.
| Population Transfer |
All instruments of political, economic, social and even cultural power in Tibet are in the hands of the Chinese, so any talk of autonomy by Beijing is mere window dressing. In reality, Tibetans are fast being marginalized, becoming second-class citizens in their own country. Exact figures for the Chinese and Tibetan populations of Tibet are not available. Chinese population statistics are unreliable with respect to Tibet and hide the magnitude of the Chinese population transfer going on. Those statistics are also entirely inconsistent with other statistics released by the Chinese government for the region.
The Tibetan government-in-exile, on the other hand, is not permitted by the Chinese authorities to carry out scientific surveys of the situation, and must, therefore, rely on clandestine reports and estimates from a variety of observers. Despite the lack of exact figures, and despite Chinese denials, the evidence points to a deliberate and long-standing population transfer policy. The policy is carried out largely with the help of government incentive programs for people from various Chinese provinces to relocate to Tibet. Higher wages, special housing, business and pension benefits are but some of the incentives provided. China's fourth population census in 1990 put the Chinese population (including a small number of Mongols) in the Tibetan provinces of Kham and Amdo at 4,927,369. However, it is said that there is at least one un-registered Chinese for every two registered ones.
The actual Chinese population, both registered and unregistered, in these areas should be about 7.5 million. In recent years, China is reported to have stepped up the transfer of its population to the "TAR." The policy and practice of population transfer is not only in violation of the Fourth 1949 Geneva Convention, which prohibits the transfer of civilian population into occupied territory unless it is done with full and informed consent, it also constitutes a violation of the human rights of the people into whose territory the settlers are being transferred. This is evident from the United Nations Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities Resolutions, and from the results of the UNPO Conference on Human Rights Dimensions of Population Transfer (Conference Report 2/1992).
In Tibet, population transfer presents the greatest threat to the survival of the Tibetan people and culture and is therefore a form of ethnic submersion and cultural genocide.
| Environment |
The Chinese occupation and militarization of Tibet, the large influx of Chinese settlers and the colonial exploitation of Tibet's natural resources, in total disregard of environmental consequences, is having devastating effects on the environment. Tibet has lost most of its rich forests, causing alarming desertification of vast areas, degradation of grasslands or their conversion into agriculture for Chinese settlers. This has also caused irreparable damage to many of Tibet's precious nomadic pasture lands. Nuclear testing and weapons production, uranium mining, and dumping of hazardous waste is having predictably dangerous effects on human and animal life in some parts of Tibet.
| Militarization |
In the entire area of Tibet there are at any rate, several hundred thousand well-armed and equipped men. In the north of Tibet, China has nuclear installations and testing grounds and recently it has developed the capability of fast deployment of troops by air from military bases anywhere in China.
The heavy militarization of Tibet is evident to any visitor to Lhasa and other important places in Tibet. Lhasa is virtually surrounded by military camps and the inner city has a heavy presence of special armed police and under-cover security personnel. Several dozen nuclear warheads are believed to be stationed in Tibet.
The first nuclear weapon was brought onto the Tibetan plateau in 1971 and stationed in the Tsaidam basin, in northern Amdo. As China's ground-based nuclear missiles can be transported and fired from trailers, efforts to locate and count missiles in certain areas remain difficult. China's primary weapon research and design facility, known as the "Ninth Academy" is located in Dhashu (Haiyan) in the northeastern Tibetan province of Amdo. The facility is the most secret organization in China's entire nuclear program and remains today an important and high security military weapons plant. It was responsible for designing all of China's nuclear bombs throughout the mid-seventies. It also served as a research center for detonation development, radiochemistry and many other nuclear weapons related activities.
In 1988, China carried out in Tibet what the Jiefangjun Bao of September, 16th 1988 called "chemical defense maneuvers in the high altitude zone to test newly-developed equipment." According to a TASS report of July 3rd 1982, "China has been conducting nuclear tests in several areas of Tibet in order to determine the radiation levels among the people living in those parts." The militarization of Tibet not only represents an oppressive burden on Tibetans, a source of fear and in many cases terror, but also a source of instability and potential conflict in the region. In 1962, it led to the first Sino-Indian war in history and tension on the border remains high.
| Quest
for Solution |
In reliance upon Deng Xiaoping's statement the Dalai Lama made a number of proposals, both bilateral and publicly, to the Chinese government requesting negotiations. Sadly, these overtures were not reciprocated by China. In 1980, the Dalai Lama proposed sending teachers to Tibet from among well-educated Tibetan refugees to help improve the education of young Tibetans. In 1987, the Dalai Lama announced a Five-Point Plan and a year later elaborated on that plan in a speech delivered in Strasbourg. The Strasbourg Proposal, as it later came to be known, contained far reaching concessions which fully responded to China's declared interests in Tibet. Despite the fact all these initiatives fell well within China's stated policy that anything except total independence could be negotiated and resolved the Chinese government refused to come to the negotiating table.
The Dalai Lama's desire to seek a peaceful negotiated solution is well known and has earned him the Nobel Peace Prize and numerous other awards. But it takes two to negotiate, and despite China's insistence it is willing to talk it has always raised obstacles or set conditions which cannot be met. The Tibetan government welcomes the efforts of many concerned governments who call on China to agree to negotiations without preconditions. It is hard to understand China's reluctance to do so, unless it believes in achieving a solution to the Tibetan question through a combination of force and population transfer or ethnic submersion.
Hope for the survival of Tibet and its people and culture now lies in the ability of the international community to persuade China that it should act with moderation, respect the Tibetan people's rights, and enter into earnest negotiations with representatives of the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan people in order to seek a peaceful and mutually acceptable solution, in keeping with the legitimate rights and aspirations of the Tibetan people.
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